Was the Piazza Fontana bombing connected to Operation Gladio?
In December 1969, an explosion ripped through the headquarters of the Banca Nazionale dell’Agricoltura (National Agricultural Bank) in Milan’s Piazza Fontana, leaving seventeen dead and eighty-eight wounded. Part of a spate of bombings across the North of Italy, the massacre would be initially blamed on anarchists, with dozens rounded up in the immediate aftermath. During the crackdown, Giuseppe Pinelli, head of the Anarchist Black Cross organisation, fell to his death while in police custody. Ruled an accident, the cause of Pinelli’s demise was almost immediately disputed, with critics alleging that the activist had been murdered.
The questions around Pinelli’s death are part of the wider mystery surrounding the role of the Italian state in the Piazza Fontana bombing. Taking place on the eve of the ‘Years of Lead’ period of intense political violence, it is generally believed that the attack was carried out by far-right, with some alleging that they were protected by elements of the security services. These theories were furthered by the revelations of the 1990s, which saw the Italian government confirm the existence of the covert ‘Gladio’ network.
Set up after World War Two, Gladio united the intelligence services of Italy and the United States, along with hard-right political figures. Supposedly intended only to prepare for a Soviet takeover, some would claim that this secret entity had instead pursued a ‘strategy of tension’ through actions such as the Piazza Fontana bombing. As the theory goes, these would not only weaken the left, but also work to instill fear in the wider public and justify authoritarian measures.
Part One: 1965–1970
In May 1965, a conference took place at the Parco dei Principi hotel, uniting far-right activists with elements of the Italian security services. Dedicated to the discussion of a ‘revolutionary war’ against Communism, the Principi conference was allegedly funded by SIFAR, Italy’s military intelligence agency. Already facing questions about its links to neofascism, SIFAR would be reformed into SID later that year. Despite this change, SID would retain strong links to the far-right in the coming decades.
Present at the Principi conference was journalist Pino Rauti, who gave a speech on ‘Communist infiltration’ to the attendees. Back in the 1950s, Rauti had left the Italian Social Movement (MSI), which represented the electoral mainstream of neofascism, to set up the more action-orientated Ordine Nuovo (‘New Order’) group. Joining him was Stefano Delle Chiaie, a young militant who also attended the Principi conference.
With Rauti more concerned with intellectual matters, Delle Chiaie ran Ordine Nuovo’s street fighting wing, which itself split off in 1960 to become Avanguardia Nazionale (‘National Vanguard’). Despite these apparent divisions, relations between the extremist groups appears to have remained fairly cordial, suggesting that the real intention was to maintain a degree of separation that would minimise legal exposure for illegal activity.
Shortly before the bombing in the Piazza Fontana, Pino Rauti rejoined the MSI. Although most of his followers went with him, some remained outside of electoral politics in the Movimento Politico Ordine Nuovo (‘New Order Political Movement’). Decades later, Rauti’s hardline followers were accused of involvement in the Piazza Fontana bombing, as well as a series of other attacks which took place in the early 1970s as the Years of Lead gained pace. These would lead to further theories about the role of Operation Gladio in sparking the coming years of political violence.
In the immediate aftermath of the explosion however, the police continued to pursue the anarchists, with the investigation shifting to a small group centred around Pietro Valpreda known as the Circolo Anarchico 22 Marzo (‘Anarchist Circle March 22nd’). Compared to larger anarchist groupings, Valpreda’s organisation was more individualistic and action-orientated, which appears to have made it vulnerable to far-right infiltration. Most notably, the group’s members included Mario Merlino, who would emerge as a key figure in the Piazza Fontana investigation.
Having been present at the Principi conference, Merlino had taken part in a trip to Greece in April 1968 as a guest of the pro-NATO military dictatorship, along with several other neofascist student activists. Upon their return, the militants had supposedly converted to leftism, with Merlino helping Valpreda establish the March 22nd group. Following the Piazza Fontana attack, the two were detained until 1972, released only as the authorities increasingly uncovered the role of far-right agitators. Most notably, Stefano Delle Chiaie was called to testify about his links to Merlino in 1970, but fled to nearby Spain, which was still ruled by far-right dictator Francisco Franco.
Also linked to the Piazza Fontana bombing was Antonio Sottosanti, a former member of the French Foreign Legion. Like Merlino, Sottosanti was also known for his far-right politics, having entered anarchist ciricles shortly before the attack. As a result, he was later accused of being the one who planted the bomb, with Valpreda serving as a convenient target for the authorities due to their resemblance. Sottosanti is also believed to have met with Pinelli shortly before the bombings, adding an interesting dimension to what is generally seen as beginning the terroristic phase of the Years of Lead.
In late 1970, with public attention still largely on the anarchists, members of the Gladio network are believed to have initiated moves towards seizing power. This planned coup was to be officially led by fascist war hero Valerio Borghese, who served as a figurehead for more shadowy players such as Licio Gelli. A wealthy financier, Gelli would later be identified as a key player in Operation Gladio, in large part through his leadership of the mysterious Propaganda Due secret society.
According to later reports, the coup was to be carried out by sympathetic elements of the armed forces, along with Stefano Delle Chiaie’s Avanguardia Nazionale, who were to seize control of various government buildings. For reasons which remain unclear however, the planned insurrection was called off at the last minute by Borghese, who spent the rest of his life refusing to explain why.
Whatever the exact reason for its failure, Borghese’s aborted coup reflects the complicated functioning of Operation Gladio, which incorporated a range of differing political agendas. Although the network included many committed far-right ideologues, it also comprised figures who were not willing to back a complete restoration of fascism in Italy, particularly the Americans. With this underlying conflict, there would be an intensification of bombings linked to certain Gladio operatives, who were possibly seeking to force the hand of less hardline elements by creating a state of total chaos.
Part Two coming soon, for more on Operation Gladio and the Years of Lead:
God’s banker: The CIA, Operation Gladio and the death of Roberto Calvi
A Very British Gladio: Nick Griffin, Roberto Fiore and the London Nail Bombing
Operation Gladio and the Years of Lead: Licio Gelli, Propaganda Due and the murder of Aldo Moro